马丁路德金的简介,中英都要

马丁路德金的简介,中英都要

Martin Luther King, Jr. (January 15, 1929 -- April 4, 1968) was an African-American.

（马丁·路德·金（Martin Luther King, Jr，1929年1月15日—1968年4月4日），非裔美国人。）

Born in Atlanta, Georgia, USA, he is an American pastor, social activist and black civil rights leader.

（出生于美国佐治亚州亚特兰大，美国牧师、社会活动家、黑人民权运动领袖。）

In 1947, king was appointed assistant pastor of ebenezer Baptist church.

（1947年，马丁·路德·金被任命为埃比尼泽浸礼会教堂助理牧师。）

In September 1954, he was hired as pastor of dexter street Baptist church in Montgomery, Alabama.

（1954年9月，接受亚拉巴马州蒙哥马利市德克斯特大街浸信会教堂的聘请，担任该教堂的牧师。）

That same year, he was elected to the Montgomery naacp executive committee.

（同年，当选为蒙哥马利市有色人种协进会执委。）

In December 1955, he was elected President of the Montgomery improvement association and led the Montgomery bus boycott.

（1955年12月，被推选为蒙哥马利改进协会主席，领导了蒙哥马利对公共汽车的抵制运动。）

扩展资料

马丁·路德·金人物生平：

1929年1月15日，马丁·路德·金出生于美国佐治亚州亚特兰大市奥本街501号，一幢维多利亚式的小楼里，本名迈克尔，因父亲对德国宗教改革先驱马丁·路德十分仰慕，在1934年将其改名为马丁·路德·金。

1954年9月，马丁·路德·金接受亚拉巴马州蒙哥马利市德克斯特大街浸信会教堂的聘请，担任该教堂的牧师。

1957年1月，马丁·路德·金应邀参加了加纳独立庆典，回到了祖先的国土，从此，他十分关心非洲事务，并同非洲民族独立运动的领袖保持密切联系。

马丁·路德·金（Martin Luther King, Jr，1929年1月15日—1968年4月4日），非裔美国人，出生于美国佐治亚州亚特兰大，美国牧师、社会活动家、黑人民权运动领袖。

Martin Luther King (Jr., January 15, 1929 - April 4, 1968), African American, born in Atlanta, Georgia, USA, American clergyman, social activist and leader of the black civil rights movement.

1954年9月，接受亚拉巴马州蒙哥马利市德克斯特大街浸信会教堂的聘请，担任该教堂的牧师；同年，当选为蒙哥马利市有色人种协进会执委。1955年12月，被推选为蒙哥马利改进协会主席，领导了蒙哥马利对公共汽车的抵制运动。

In September 1954, he was appointed to serve as a priest of the Dexter Street Baptist Church in Montgomery, Alabama, and was elected to the Executive Board of the Montgomery Association for the Advancement of Colored People in the same year. In December 1955, he was elected president of the Montgomery Improvement Association and led Montgomery's boycott of buses.

1957年8月，建立了南方基督教领袖会并当选为主席。1963年4月12日，在阿拉巴马州的伯明翰领导了大规模群众示威游行；1963年8月28日 ，组织了争取黑人工作机会和自由权的“华盛顿工作与自由游行”，马丁·路德·金在林肯纪念馆的台阶上发表了“我有一个梦想”的演讲。

In August 1957, the Southern Christian Leaders'Association was established and elected President. On April 12, 1963, a mass demonstration was led in Birmingham, Alabama; on August 28, 1963, a "Washington Work and Freedom Parade" was organized to fight for black jobs and freedoms. Martin Luther King delivered a "I Have a Dream" speech on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial.

1957年，马丁·路德·金成为《时代周刊》的年度人物。1964年，马丁·路德·金被授予诺贝尔和平奖。 1968年4月4日，马丁·路德·金在孟菲斯市洛林汽车旅店二层被种族主义分子暗杀，终年39岁。

In 1957, Martin Luther King became Time magazine's annual figure. In 1964, Martin Luther King was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. On April 4, 1968, Martin Luther King was assassinated by racists on the second floor of the Lorraine Hotel in Memphis, aged 39.

扩展资料：

后世纪念

1969年，为纪念马丁·路德·金，一辆被命名为“自由号”的列车会在马丁·路德·金纪念日当天从南湾圣荷西驶抵旧金山市。

1983年11月，总统罗纳德·里根签署法令，规定1986年起，每年1月的第3个星期一定为马丁·路德·金全国纪念日，并且定为法定假日。此后每年，美国各地都会举行游行和集会活动进行纪念。

2011年8月28日，马丁·路德·金纪念馆正式对民众开放，该纪念馆位于美国华盛顿国家广场，被安置在林肯纪念堂与杰斐逊纪念堂之间，该纪念馆是由多家世界五百强企业合作赞助，体现了人们对马丁·路德·金的崇敬与缅怀。

2013年8月28日，美国总统奥巴马，前总统克林顿和卡特，以及马丁·路德·金的后人，与数万美国民众一起在林肯纪念堂前举行盛大集会，纪念马丁·路德·金发表《我有一个梦想》演讲50周年。

参考资料来源：

1929年1月15日，小马丁·路德·金出生在美国亚特兰大市奥本街501号，一幢维多利亚式的小楼里。他的父亲是牧师，母亲是教师。他从母亲那里学会了怎样去爱、同情和理解他人；从父亲那里学到了果敢、坚强、率直和坦诚。但他在黑人区生活，也感受到人格的尊严和作为黑人的痛苦。15岁时，聪颖好学的金以优异成绩进入摩尔豪斯学院攻读社会学，后获得文学学士学位。

尽管美国战后经济发展很快，强大的政治、军事力量使它登上了“自由世界”盟主的交椅。可国内黑人却在经济和政治上受到歧视与压迫。面对丑恶的现实，金立志为争取社会平等与正义作一名牧师。他先后就读于克拉泽神学院和波士顿大学，于1955年获神学博士学位后，到亚拉巴马州蒙哥马利市得克斯基督教浸礼会教堂作牧师。

1955年12月，蒙哥马利节警察当局以违反公共汽车座位隔离条令为由，逮捕了黑人妇女罗莎·帕克斯。金遂同几位黑人积极分子组织起“蒙哥马利市政改进协会”，号召全市近5万名黑人对公共法与公司进行长达1年的抵制，迫使法院判决取消地方运输工具上的座位隔离。这是美国南部黑人第一次以自己的力量取得斗争胜利，从而揭开了持续10余年的民权运动的序幕，也使金博士锻炼成民权运动的领袖。

1968年4月4日，金被种族分子暗杀。

美国政府规定，从1986年起，每年1月的第3个星期一为小马丁·路德·金全国纪念日。

January 15, 1929, Martin Luther King was born in the US city of Atlanta, 501 Auburn Street, a small building of Victoria. His father was a pastor and his mother is a teacher. Where he learned how to postpone your love from the mother, sympathy and understanding of others;Learned from the father of bold, strong, candid and frank. Blacks living in the district but he also felt the dignity and personality as a black suffering. 15, USA diligent with distinction in the College studying sociology Moore Niehaus, after obtaining a Bachelor of Arts degree.

Although the US post-war economy has developed rapidly, and strong political, military boarded it "free world" chief of Kau Yi. Blacks may have in the domestic economic and political discrimination and oppression. Faced with the ugly reality that is determined to achieve social equality and justice as a priest. He has enrolled in the Boston University Kelaze seminary and in 1955 received a doctorate of theology in Alabama, Montgomery City Baptist Church for a single Christian pastor.

December 1955, police authorities in violation of section Montgomery bus segregation ordinances seats on the grounds that the arrest of black women, Rosa Parkes. Gold was with several black activists organized "Montgomery municipal improvement associations" and called on the city of nearly 50,000 Ethiopian law and public companies as long as a year boycott, forcing the court to abolish local carriers seating segregation. This is the first time in the southern United States Ethiopian forces achieved their struggles to open a sustained the civil rights movement for more than 10 years prelude, and also makes payments into the civil rights movement leader Dr. training.

April 4, 1968, the ethnic elements were assassinated. The US government, from 1986 onwards, the annual January 3 Monday for Martin Luther King National Day.

下面是马丁路德金的《我有一个梦想》I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."?

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of

Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last! free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

1929年1月15日，小马丁·路德·金出生在美国亚特兰大市奥本街501号，一幢维多利亚式的小楼里。他的父亲是牧师，母亲是教师。他从母亲那里学会了怎样去爱、同情和理解他人；从父亲那里学到了果敢、坚强、率直和坦诚。但他在黑人区生活，也感受到人格的尊严和作为黑人的痛苦。15岁时，聪颖好学的金以优异成绩进入摩尔豪斯学院攻读社会学，后获得文学学士学位。

尽管美国战后经济发展很快，强大的政治、军事力量使它登上了“自由世界”盟主的交椅。可国内黑人却在经济和政治上受到歧视与压迫。面对丑恶的现实，金立志为争取社会平等与正义作一名牧师。他先后就读于克拉泽神学院和波士顿大学，于1955年获神学博士学位后，到亚拉巴马州蒙哥马利市得克斯基督教浸礼会教堂作牧师。

1955年12月，蒙哥马利节警察当局以违反公共汽车座位隔离条令为由，逮捕了黑人妇女罗莎·帕克斯。金遂同几位黑人积极分子组织起“蒙哥马利市政改进协会”，号召全市近5万名黑人对公共法与公司进行长达1年的抵制，迫使法院判决取消地方运输工具上的座位隔离。这是美国南部黑人第一次以自己的力量取得斗争胜利，从而揭开了持续10余年的民权运动的序幕，也使金博士锻炼成民权运动的领袖。

1968年4月4日，金被种族分子暗杀。

美国政府规定，从1986年起，每年1月的第3个星期一为小马丁·路德·金全国纪念日。

January 15, 1929, Martin Luther King was born in the US city of Atlanta, 501 Auburn Street, a small building of Victoria. His father was a pastor and his mother is a teacher. Where he learned how to postpone your love from the mother, sympathy and understanding of others;Learned from the father of bold, strong, candid and frank. Blacks living in the district but he also felt the dignity and personality as a black suffering. 15, USA diligent with distinction in the College studying sociology Moore Niehaus, after obtaining a Bachelor of Arts degree.

Although the US post-war economy has developed rapidly, and strong political, military boarded it "free world" chief of Kau Yi. Blacks may have in the domestic economic and political discrimination and oppression. Faced with the ugly reality that is determined to achieve social equality and justice as a priest. He has enrolled in the Boston University Kelaze seminary and in 1955 received a doctorate of theology in Alabama, Montgomery City Baptist Church for a single Christian pastor.

December 1955, police authorities in violation of section Montgomery bus segregation ordinances seats on the grounds that the arrest of black women, Rosa Parkes. Gold was with several black activists organized "Montgomery municipal improvement associations" and called on the city of nearly 50,000 Ethiopian law and public companies as long as a year boycott, forcing the court to abolish local carriers seating segregation. This is the first time in the southern United States Ethiopian forces achieved their struggles to open a sustained the civil rights movement for more than 10 years prelude, and also makes payments into the civil rights movement leader Dr. training.

April 4, 1968, the ethnic elements were assassinated. The US government, from 1986 onwards, the annual January 3 Monday for Martin Luther King National Day.

下面是马丁路德金的《我有一个梦想》I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."?

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of

Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last! free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

天哪，黑人自由运动领袖，高中课本里就有的啊，他有个著名的演讲，《I HAVE A DREAM》，自己在网上下载阿，搜索就有了。